Merdeka 曖昧

On 23rd April 2005, my dad and I was in Cameron Highland. Having exhausted other places of interest such Sungai Palas and Habu tea plantations as well as Robinson and Parit Waterfalls, we thought of exploring a new place, Gunung Brinchang.

Gunung Brinchang is the highest point in Cameron Highlands, 2032 meters above sea level, and also the highest point in Peninsular Malaysia which is accessable by road. But obviously, we didn’t realise all these then.

I found this road when we were on our way to Sungai Palas tea plantation, which was featured in Boh Tea’s TV ads few years back. Before reaching it, there’s this signboard at a junction, saying turn left to “Stesen Mikro Gunung Brinchang”. No clues on what kind of stesen mikro is it though, whether it is a space shuttle launchpad or satellite station.

Sungai Palas road, on the other hand, branches out from the main Tanah Rata - Brinchang - Tringkap - Kuala Terla - Kampung Raja road after Kea Farm and Equatorial. It’s a slopy narrow road on the left, with no proper signboards except one that says Boh Tea’s Oomph Tea Shop and another that says SJK (T) Sungai Palas are located inside. It’s a narrow one-lane road.

Occassionally, there are some western style bunglows situated by the road, some complete with national and state flags flying high. Belonged to some rich and famous perhaps. Finally, we have reach the Stesen Mikro signboard where our xpdc would begin.

Less than 50 meter from the junction, there’s another, without any signboard this time. We were already in the middle of tea plantation. Following instinct, we chose the road on the left, as there’s electric cables by the side of that road, makes it seemed to be a more major one. The distance sign on the roadside says it’s 5km to Gunung Brinchang.

Tea trees are seen on both sides. As it is single lane, it is a bit difficult when there’s a car coming from the front going opposite direction. But you can always find somewhere with a wider space, a bend perhaps, for the other car to cross.

Flowers are big and colorful. Not that we don’t have the same species in KL, but over here in Cameron Highlands they are much more bigger, thanks to the weather here perhaps. Over the far end, peaks of other mountains in the Banjaran Titiwangsa (Main Range) are all covered by thick clouds.

Perhaps 2 kilometers into the road, the plantation and occassional tea plantation workers’ quarters are replaced by thick tropical forest. Road is steep, and the well-surfaced road ends. It’s still surfaced, just that hasn’t been resurfaced for perhaps decades. The gradient is especially challenging for a Proton Wira 1.5 automatic.

After another kilometer of sharp bends and slopes in the wilderness, it started to rain. Thought it was not very heavy, we thought it would be better safe than sorry so we made a U-turn. Better stay in the hotel rather than having stuck in the jungle if lightning strikes a tree and the fallen trunk blocks our way down, especially in this place where you catch no mobile phone reception.

That’s the closest we have got to the highest point accessable by car in Peninsular Malaysia, 2 km away from it. It’s a wonderful experience not to be missed by anyone. When I googled about it just now, I found that a lot of people have been there. Many jogged up through the jungle trek from Tanah Rata, which ascends from the back of Oly Apartment, that takes only 2 to 3 hours. The stesen mikro is actually an RTM TV transmitter. I have also realised that the temperature on the peak can be as cold as 5′C !

Dudes from Mara polytechnic have an extensive gallery photos taken in Gunung Brinchang. Information can also be obtained in the Cameronhighlands website. When I told Budu about this, he showed great interest in going too. As I believe a lot of you have been there, why not share your adventure stories with us ?

I raise both hands in support of Japan’s admission to UN Security Council

焦国标 Jiao Guobiao

近日中国大陆闹起反日风潮，外交部解释说是民众自发的行动。民众还自发痛恨一党专政呢，他们怎么不上街砸党委？民众还自发诅咒摧残言论自由呢，他们怎么不游行去捣毁各级宣传部？民众之所以闹反日，是因为他们只能闹反日，他就不敢闹反一党专政。既然只能闹反日，为什么过去闹反日不被允许，民间保钓（鱼岛）活动还被看成非法组织呢，今天怎么却可以大张旗鼓地闹反日呢？这里面肯定另有“隐情”。

那么这令有的“隐情”是什么呢？是现在日本可能马上要加入联合国常任理事国了。

日本进入常任理事国行列与北京导演和操纵反日有什么关系呢？关系太大了。民众不闹反日，中国政府怎么公开反对日本这个邻居“入常”呀？“入常”本是日本的一件喜事，通常情况下，邻居有喜事，只有道喜祝贺的份儿，哪能跳出来反对呀？可是民众一闹，情形就不一样了，就可以公开反对邻居“入常”了，理由是国内民意不可违呀。

如此推理，又显露出新问题来了：为什么中国政府不像通常的人情世故那样，向即将“入常”的邻居日本道喜祝贺，反倒使用各种伎俩阻挠，反对其“入常”呢？因为它根本上就害怕日本进入常任理事国的行列。它为什么要害怕呢？因为日本一旦加入常任理事国，就必然成为美国最得心应手的盟友，与美国一道高举民主自由人权的旗帜，协助美国（而不是像法国和俄罗斯那样与美国离心离德）打压那些敌视民主自由人权的国家，包括中国政府。这样，中国在联合国里的日子就不好混了。在联合国的日子不好混，就必得在国内不断吐出长期大量侵吞的中国人民的权益。它能不害怕吗？

其他原因，比如钓鱼岛归属问题呀，东海石油天然气开采呀，日本教科书修改呀，台独势力与日本合流呀，诸如此类，全是假的。怎么证明这一点呢？很容易证明：这些问题过去一直存在，为什么过去不许闹，不仅不许，而且指为非法活动，现在却可以了呢？现在日本即将“入常”，日本一旦“入常”，就必然威胁与愚昧、落后的中国政治。中国历代非法统治者，从西太后到袁世凯，从蒋介石到毛泽东、邓小平，对领土问题、历史问题并不真正关心，真正关心的是他们的非法统治能否持续。哪个因素对他们的统治权力威胁最大，他们就最关心哪个因素。显然，加减一个钓鱼岛，中国不还叫中国吗？他们作威作福不还是照旧吗？可是多了民主自由人权，那就完全不一样了，他就不能再是他了呀！

所以我对这次反日风潮的看法是：一，这是中国政府导演和操纵的；二，其根本目的是阻挠日本“入常”；三，之所以反对日本“入常”，是惧怕联合国里美国代表的民主自由人权力量的壮大。

民主自由人权本是好东西呀，中国的统治者为什么不能张开双臂去拥抱她们呢？因为他们的政权本来就建立在不自由、不民主、不讲人权的基础上，拥抱了她们，他们自己怎么办呢？既然日本“入常”本质上是联合国里以美国为代表的自由、民主、人权力量的增强，而自由、民主、人权力量的增强又是中国统治者的头号大敌，所以他们要变着法儿地拼命阻挠。可是这话对民众能说透吗？当然不能。说透了中国民众谁还闹哇？民众盼的不就是中国大地上能盛开自由、民主、人权之花嘛，自己上访挨打都挣不来的东西，联合国里能送来，多好啊。像现在这样，打着爱国主义和民族主义之旗，鼓动起民众的反日情绪，好比是把人民卖了，人民却还帮它护着钱，这是多高的妙计呀！

不过话说过来，北京操纵民意，驯化民意，用于自己不可告人的目的，实在低劣，不仅没有赢得国际社会的同情和支持，反倒失去国际社会的尊重，这是中国外交部长李肇星最近承认的。千巧输于一诚，你心不诚，妄想欺蒙世人，怎么可以？你以为就你自己聪明，别人都是傻瓜，看不透你呀？

我虽然为民众闹反日感到一种被愚弄的可悲，却也觉得这样闹闹对中国或许会有一些好处。国内民心动荡，国外中日交恶，必定会对中国内政造成一定冲击，就像当初的五四运动和一二九运动一样。即便不能导致中国政府垮台，能促使它启动一些政治改革也好呀。甲午战争导致戊戌变法，抗日战争导致蒋介石政府垮台，日本客观上成为中国政治的去腐剂。中国政治的超稳定结构，不借助外来力量根本冲不动，最近一百多年的历史充分证明了这一点。这也是北京历来对所谓“境外势力插手”特别敏感的原因所在。三四百年前，西洋传教士沙忽略临终前，曾在珠江口外一个小岛上对着中国大陆感叹：“磐石，磐石，何时能开！”几百年过去了，我一个中国人也还仍然对这个老大帝国发出同样的感叹。　　　历史当然不可能再来一次。假如能再来一次，日本军队又占据了中国的半壁江山，你猜我何以自处？我会学习汪精卫先生和周作人先生，做千夫指的汉奸！曲线救国实在比直线救国好。国共合作，直线救国，怎么样？死了多少人？之后建立了什么样的国家？蒋介石政府，毛泽东政府，都是反人民的一人独裁的政府。国共内战，共产党号称三年解放战争歼灭国民党八百万军队。国共双方歼灭的军队和老百姓加在一起，起码有一千万吧？接着是1949年到文化大革命的二十几年，大约又有八千万中国人民被邪恶政治害死。我们屈指算一算，即便是当年中国人俯首做了日本的殖民地，当了日本的亡国奴，中国人民也不可能死这么多吧？1989年六四大屠杀，坦克开进天安门广场，这是当年日本占领北京时都没造过的罪孽啊！再看近二十年的老百姓上访，就是日本人占领和统治中国到今天，中国小民也绝不可能这样哭诉无门呐！

你可能担心，假如中国做了日本的殖民地，那咱北京故宫的珍宝还不都运他东京去呀？他想运就运吧，从北京运到东京，不过是换个地方，有什么呀？说不定比放北京还保险。毛泽东、张春桥、江青、郭沫若之流，都曾经把故宫的画拿自己家里欣赏，有的从此失踪；假如当初被日本军队运到东京，保管没有一个日本人敢拿回家。再说，即便放在北京，看不起这些珍宝的还照样看不起，你问问那些在北京打很多年工的民工，有几个去故宫看过那些珍宝？我问过几个人，几乎没人舍得去看。所以中国故宫里有没有这些劳什子，在我看来实在无所谓。

中国大陆几十年来一直宣传地道战、地雷战、儿童团抗日之类，宣传人民战争是革命胜利的一大法宝。殊不知，你中国孩子打死一个日本兵，他日本兵血洗你一座县城，哪轻哪重？所以我的看法是：你的正规军干不过人家的正规军，你的成年男人干不过人家的成年男人，就说明你这个国家不配继续存在，就说明你这个民族不配建立自己的国家，你就老老实实给我投降，心悦诚服做人家的亡国奴，当人家的殖民地去！我要呼吁联合国，今后应该在国际战争中确立一个中立人群原则：国际战争中有中立国，也应该有中立人群，老人、孩子和妇女就是中立人群。坚决反对和杜绝“人民战争”！谁唆使或驱使中立人群上战场，将以侵害人类罪起诉。

按照汪精卫先生的主意，中国先投降日本，再徐图恢复，中日都不会死那么多人，不流那么多血。这很好嘛！有人问了：万一最后“恢复”不了怎么办？恢复不了就瘸子的腿——就那样了呗，有什么大不了？日本的发祥地就是京都地区很小的区域，北海道之类的其他地区都曾经是殖民地，都曾经是亡国奴。中国的发祥地是黄河渭水流域，其他地区都是殖民地和亡国奴，怎么样？现在我们大家不是很好吗？以朝代论，夏朝是商朝的殖民地，商朝是周朝的亡国奴，南宋是蒙古的殖民地，明朝是清朝的亡国奴，而今我们谁眉头上刻着“亡国奴”三字了？亡国奴是一个文化心理现象，应该好好研究。我算研究清楚了：以人为本，以人命为本，其他全是扯淡；做亡国奴嘛，呵呵，不错的选择！沦为殖民地嘛，哈哈，很好的归宿！比孩子、老人、妇女全被杀光可取。　

再做个假设。假如周作人先生做了日本藩属国支那国的教育部长，他在封锁大学的BBS方面，能比现在中国的教育部部长周济做得更坏吗？假如周作人先生做了日本藩属国支那国的文化部长，他能比中宣部部长刘云山控制新闻媒体更无所不用其极，更逆历史潮流而动吗？我想，中国做了日本的殖民地，大日本中央政府压根不会在支那国设立宣传部，或者即便设立，也不会设立这么多年。现在中国的确不是日本的殖民地，不是外族的亡国奴，可是她已经做稳了本族自产的无赖和恶棍的殖民地和亡国奴。自由禁绝，道义沦亡，民主被践踏，人权被蹂躏，是比殖民地更殖民地的殖民地，是比亡国奴更亡国奴的亡国奴！　中国人民太愚昧了，包括无数的知识分子。什么救亡？没有民主自由人权，就是灭亡！中国，只有实现民主、自由、人权，才配称为国家，否则只是恶棍的殖民地。没有民主、自由、人权的中国，不仅中国人民没有好日子过，日本人民也别想安生，东亚、东南亚和整个人类，都不会有好日子过。六分之一的人类生活在反民主、自由、人权的制度下，人类将不是人类，上帝将不是上帝！　中国外交部长李肇星最近对到访的日本外相蛮横地说：中国政府不应该对近来中国民众反日的打砸行为道歉。这句话的潜台词是什么？是：与当年日本对中国的伤害相比，还差得远；只有中国对日本的伤害超过当年日本对中国的伤害，才可能道歉。想想这话是什么性质？这几乎是战争动员令，最起码是纵容鼓励民众的打砸行为；只要中国伤害日本没有达到当年日本伤害中国的程度，中国人对日本人做什么都不过分，都不必道歉。——难道不是这样的逻辑？

顺着这个逻辑延伸，必然的结论是：中国不强大便罢，强大必然意味着对日战争。所以，我奉劝日本，一味对中国国内政治民主化不感兴趣，只知道跟中国做生意赚钱，迟早你们要吃大亏，上大当。你们一定要像美国一样关心中国国内的民主、自由、人权问题，这是在长远战略上解救你们日本自己。你们别以为这是瞎耽误功夫，这的确是在救你们自己。顺便说，台湾也一样，要明白这一点。你觉得你独立了，就可以跟中国撇清关系，没那回事！中国大陆民主化了，你还可能独立，也许到那时独立不独立也无所谓了；可是如果大陆不实现民主化，你就根本不可能独立。你们都来关心中国政治民主化，这是帮中国大陆的人民，也是帮你们自己，甚至也是帮北京政府。怎么讲？北京政府里想进行政治改革的大有人在，可是鉴于中国社会特有的惰性传统，在一般情况下，改革派很难“炸翅儿”（就像蚂蚱起飞前那样。连起飞的动作都做不出来，更不用说飞高飞远了）。可是如果国际环境压力增大，改革派就可以借此东风，逼退保守力量，推进大陆政治民主化，就跟清末的戊戌变法时期一样。　

至于日本在对待历史真相问题上的态度，与德国相比，不好；但是比中国的中宣部和教育部还要好无数倍！中国新闻媒体和学校教材里，歪曲历史，篡改历史，美化历史，实在拔发难说，日本根本没法比。在很多中国人心里，日本很坏；但是在我心里，最坏的不是日本，是中国人中的一部份中国人。

当年读甘地传，圣雄有句话我不理解，大意是：死在兄弟的手里是他最好的归宿。后来我慢慢理解了，并且深感太精警了。印度教徒与穆斯林是一千多年的寇仇，甘地呼唤他们和解、相爱。极端的印度教同胞视圣雄为叛徒，称他是穆罕默德*汉辛，而不是莫汉达斯*汉辛（甘地的本名）。在恨上煽动恨，那是很简单的。但是在恨上种植爱，是万难的。众所周知，甘地最后确是倒在持极端主义的印度教同胞的枪口之下。类似的人物还有以色列总理拉宾。在南亚和西亚，印度教徒与穆斯林，巴勒斯坦人与以色列人，是最为渊远流长的两对仇敌。两个诺贝尔和平奖获得者为它们的和解，为在它们中间播种爱，付出了生命的代价。东亚的两个大民族，一对大仇家，中国和日本，该怎么办呢？谁愿意去从事这项利在子孙的和平事业呢？谁敢冒死在兄弟手里的风险呢？

2005年4月20日星期三 美国首都华盛顿

作者为原北大新闻学院副教授，目前在美国民主基金会 (National Endowment for Democracy) 任访问学者

《观察》 : 我支持日本“入常” ( url 1, url 2 )

By Fred Hiatt

(Washington Post, April 18, 2005; Page A17)

China, a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, has made clear that it doesn’t think Japan is deserving of similar status.

But here’s the problem, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao explained last week: “Japan needs to face up to history squarely.” After another weekend of anti-Japanese protests and riots in China, China’s foreign minister yesterday amplified that “the main problem now is that the Japanese government has done a series of things that have hurt the feelings of the Chinese people . . . especially in its treatment of history.”

Truth in history is an interesting standard for great-power status. One intriguing response would be for Japan to embrace it and suggest politely that, if China wants to keep its Security Council seat, it ought to do the same.

There’s no doubt, as Premier Wen implied, that some Japanese have a hard time admitting the terrible things their troops did in China, Korea and other occupied Asian countries before and during World War II. Apologies sometimes seem to be mumbled, and textbooks sometimes minimize past crimes.

Recently, for example, Japan’s education ministry approved a textbook that refers to the 1937 Nanjing Massacre as an “incident” during which “many” Chinese were killed, though some estimates of civilian deaths run as high as 300,000. News of these textbooks helped spark the anti-Japanese riots in Chinese cities.

But put the issue in some perspective: Many textbooks receive ministry approval in Tokyo, and no school is forced to use any particular one. Issues of war guilt or innocence, and of proper historiography, are debated endlessly and openly in Japanese newspapers, magazines and universities. Some Japanese demonstrate against politicians who won’t go to Yasukuni Shrine — where Japan’s war dead, including some who were judged war criminals, are honored — while other Japanese demonstrate against politicians who do go.

Compare this to the situation in Premier Wen’s China. There is only one acceptable version of history, at least at any given time; history often changes, but only when the Communist Party decides to change it.

For example, according to a report by Howard W. French in the New York Times last December, many textbooks don’t mention that anyone died at what the outside world knows as the 1989 massacre of student demonstrators near Tiananmen Square. One 1998 text notes only that “the Central Committee took action in time and restored calm.” Anyone who challenges the official fiction is subject to harsh punishment, including beatings, house arrest or imprisonment.

And if the 300,000 victims of the Nanjing Massacre are slighted in some Japanese textbooks, what of the 30 million Chinese who died in famines created by Mao Zedong’s lunatic Great Leap Forward between 1958 and 1962? No mention in Chinese texts; didn’t happen.

Well, you might say, how a nation treats its internal history is less relevant to its qualifications for the Security Council than whether it teaches its children honestly about its wars with other nations. A dubious proposition, but no matter; as the Times found in its review of textbooks, Chinese children do not learn of their nation’s invasion of Tibet (1950) or aggression against Vietnam (1979). And they are taught that Japan was defeated in World War II by Chinese Communist guerrillas; Pearl Harbor, Iwo Jima and Midway don’t figure in.

“Facing up to history squarely” isn’t easy for any country. Americans don’t agree on how to remember the Confederacy. Russia can’t yet admit to Soviet depredations in the Baltic republics. And, yes, Japan too often sees itself purely as a victim of World War II.

But in countries that permit open debate, historical interpretations can be constantly challenged, revised, maybe brought closer to the truth. In dictatorships that use history as one more tool to maintain power, there’s no such hope.

China’s Communists used to find it useful to vilify Russia in their history texts. These days, for reasons of China’s aspirations to lead Asia, Japan makes a more convenient villain. Next year might be America’s turn. The reasons may be complex, but none of them has much to do with facing history squarely.

fredhiatt@washpost.com

Washington Post : China’s Selective Memory

Chinese translation